Westministenders: Ding Ding Ding! All Aboard! Boris’s Brexit Bus gets going.

[RedToothBrush]

The Judges have Ruled.

They have restored parliamentary sovereignty to the people from the crown. Hard line Brexiteers don’t like it. This is how democracy looks though. Everyone gets a say, even people who you don’t agree with. Bloody Bremoaners. If irony wasn’t dead on 24th June, it was hung drawn and quartered on 24th Jan. I hope in time Gina Miller will get the recognition she deserves in history.

What does it actually mean for Brexit though? Can Brexit be thwarted by the decision?

Short Answer: No Brexit can not be stopped. The ‘Will of the People’ will be respected ultimately. (Though also worth stating the ‘Will of the People’ is not a fixed thing. The 23rd June vote was a mere snapshot of a moment in time. The Will of the People is ever changing and this should never be forgotten).

A majority of MPs have pledged to vote for a50. Whether the LDs, Greens, Labour Remainers and SNP oppose Brexit is ultimately irrelevant. Talks of ‘frustrating Brexit’ is nothing more than hot air from people frustrated they are not getting everything on their terms alone.

Why is the ruling important though? What next? What you should look out for? (Trying to keep this as brief as possible on immediate effect)

1. There is no reason (at this point) to suggest that May will miss her March 31st deadline.

2. The European Union (Notification of Withdrawal) Bill is scheduled to go through the HoC between Jan 31 and Feb 8. Two days of debate will be in the HoC on Tuesday (with parliament sitting until midnight) and Wednesday with the key vote on Wednesday. The following week on Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday will go to the committee and report stages and for the third reading (See this FT article Brexit bill likely to face biggest trials in House of Lords for details of what happens at what stage). That makes 5 days total and is significantly less than other important European decisions. It is being viewed as an attempt to gag parliament by many.

3. The opposition normally agree to common’s timetabling before making such announcements. Several Labour and Conservative MPs are calling for Labour to vote against the timetable. It is not clear normal procedure has been followed, on this occasion, however Corbyn has imposed a three line whip on it after a heated shadow Cabinet meeting. This seems to suggest Labour whips agreed timetable. A large scale rebellion and (more) shadow cabinet resignations could well be on the cards.

4. Lords could yet, get more time to debate the bill than Commons, due to government not setting debating time. That alone would be something of a scandal.

5. The government have conceded over the publication of a white paper and say it now will happen, however rumours are that the government are trying to delay its publication until AFTER the a50 debate has finished. This makes the whole thing a farce. Its not obvious what Tory Rebels will do under the circumstances. It is theoretically possible there may be enough for a government defeat, but that is a now an extreme possibility with Corbyn imposing a three line whip. (That in itself might embolden a few Tories though).

6. When MPs voted to support a50 in December this only passed due to an amendment requiring the government to produce a plan. Always worth remembering this important caveat. It will be omitted by a lot of media coming media coverage if MPs support any amendments or seek to obstruct a vote due to a lack of detail as a ‘betrayal’. It is not. It is a consistent request and a necessary part of scrutiny.

7. The Brexit Select Committee which is supposed to scrutinise the government just got more important. Its recommendations carry weight and will influence the decisions that MPs make.

8. Amendments to a50 law will be crucial. The SNP have suggested they want FIFTY. Most will just be rubbish, but they hopefully would have at least generate proper debate. This could be a worthwhile process regardless of how it might be framed, however the timetable makes that difficult if not impossible to do. Rather than frustrating things it could have been part of a positive process to help build consensus and tackle certain concerns.

9. Labour has been handed a chance to get out of the government blaming them for a bad deal. It gives them a chance to hold the government more accountable and get their teeth into things. It is their chance to throw away. They need to stand up and not roll over. Corbyn's Three Line Whip is exactly that. Now is the time to pester MPs over amendments. (Equally applies to Leavers concerned about Tory Brexit).

10. Chuka Umunna has suggested an amendment to give £350 million to the NHS. It would be an opportunity to draw some much needed battle lines about the future of the NHS and a chance to make ground to protect it which would be an important position for Labour. I don’t see it happening, but you can hope.

11. The danger for Labour is to join SNP in a ‘road block’ of amendments. They will need to be selective in their approach.

12. What Rebel Tories do next is important. These are both Leavers and Remainers and this should not be forgotten. It gives them a lot more power.

13. The Supreme Court ruled against the devolved assemblies. This has two effects. It might heighten the temptation and support for Independence. It might also force nationalists to work with their English peers where there is common ground. Thus unifying opposition in the United Kingdom.

14. The legal position is now established as the GFA only refers to NI’s place in the UK, not the EU. This leaves the door open for NI to choose Ireland and the EU. Similar rejection of the Sewell convention having legal effect, makes the case for a new Scottish Independence bid.

15. How 10) and 11) are handled is crucial to the country’s future. May needs to be more sensitive. Whilst there is no appetite for independence / reunification at present this may yet change as a result of Brexit. It does not necessarily weaken the nationalist’s hands in the long run. Amendments relating to assurance around devolution could still be a sticking point if other parties support. (I think fair chance they will in order to try and prevent break up of the UK. England & Wales dominated by Conservatives forever otherwise). It also put DUP in interesting position.

16. May is doing more shit stirring in NI saying the IRA needs to be investigated more and suggesting soldiers were ‘persecuted’. This is inflammatory stuff. If she carries on, don’t expect the GFA to last. At this point, I might be tempted to say, that she wants it to break so she can enforce Brexit and remove the Human Rights Act.

17. The issue of a50 reversibility has not gone away. The positions of the Labour Party and the Lib Dems would be vastly strengthened by reversibility. This is not to stop Brexit as such, but because it strengthens their demands to get a deal that they think is in the best interests of the UK because it would be potentially easier to reject a Tory Brexit. The legal case to try and get an ECJ referral is ongoing in Ireland and is important.

18. The possibility of a second referendum, has also not gone away gone away. If EU states have to agree to a deal and some put it to their citizens, that makes it more politically difficult for it not to be put to the British.

19. There is still a strong chance of more legal challenges to Brexit. There are lots of unresolved issues relating to rights which the Supreme Court did not resolve through the a50 challenge. This is for government to decide upon – and if it does not address those issues, then individuals will have no alternative to go through the courts to seek clarity on their positions. Most notably is positions of British Citizens abroad and EU citizen married or with children in UK.

20. Government has made a notable backtracking about the role of the rule of law and the authority of the courts. This is progress and perhaps an acknowledgement of how they handled it so poorly in December and how they can not act unopposed.

21. May’s speech last week was protective against this, so she can make the political point that she tried. She has in some ways protected herself against a Kipper backlash by actually proving it was not possible to carry out some of their proposals. This might actually be good in the long run for fighting the far right in the UK.

22. The Government Appeal was effectively totally unnecessary. Expect a FOI request to give someone a stick to beat the government with.

23. Don’t forget the Lords. They ultimately won’t oppose a50. It threatens their existence and would provoke a constitutional crisis which most will seek to prevent. Their job is to act in the national interest, to act for the best interests of the people, to uphold democracy and our constitutional framework. That means they can not ultimately block a50. They might insist on amendments though, especially if the Commons don’t do their job properly.

24. The Stoke and Copeland By-Elections are unlikely to be too affected by the ruling at this stage – as it is unchanged from Dec This might change though. If a50 going through parliament has been concluded by 23rd Feb, Remainers are most likely to be unhappy. If a50 bill looks like it is being ‘road blocked’ Leavers might get more enraged and motivated to turnout.

25. None of this means that Hard Brexit won’t happen. The EU still has the upper hand here. The deal we are seeking might not be possible. It does however mean that parliament rather than the government should have a more active role in proceedings.

26. Final point is that the ruling gives a chance of consensus in the National Interest and not just that of Hardline Leavers. The wording of the bill, perhaps doesn't. It looks like May’s Tory First Policy, is still full steam ahead. I thought it would change the tone of debate as the government would be forced to change tact. Its not looking likely.

Next stop on the Brexit –Aeroplane-- Bus; Trump's America.

That’s sure to be guaranteed torture to witness.

Peregrina Britain leads the way in that, NI was the shop front.

www.twitlonger.com/show/n_1spimr5

Labour Leave's explanation about why they donated to UKIP. Yep, Labour MPs, elected because they are Labour MPs, donated to another, particularly nasty party, and they think that's ok.

I'm all out of expletives to throw at the members of Labour Leave.

How about where Turkey is located and the hand holding with the orange one.

This makes sense and is incredibly worrying.

Just my personal view:

I think that a narrow referendum win, especially when there was no defined Brexit proposal, needs a Brexit to satisfy the greatest number and to cause the least disruption.

So, a "Soft" EEA / EFTA Brexit

Brexit is defining the future of the country, for maybe the next 40 years. So not like a GE which can easily reverse the previous govt:
A50 may be reversible if the options look dreadful and the rEU agree. However, Brexit won't be reversible - politically the rEU will never risk going through this upheaval again & again with a UK England that has never liked being part of the EU.

I have 3 major issues with the kind of Hard Brexit that May looks likely to get - and that many vocal Leavers say they want :

1. Economic, because any fallout from a hard Brexit is going to hit the most vulnerable
   The super wealthy and the highly paid mobile professionals are 2 groups who'll probably benefit.
   Noone voted to roll back workers's rights, the welfare state etc but Leave leaders are happy to pay this price - because they won't be the ones paying.
   Leave supporters should be demanding the Brexit that they voted for - not a tax haven, stripped of rights.

2. Values / morals: Leave leaders and too many Leave supporters are allying with the hard right & far right, or at else defending them, because apparently Brexit trumps all else.
   They are standing aside while rights for women and minorities are rolled back, because thsoe doing so support Brexit.
   A significant minority are even gloating at far right successes, cheerleading for Trump, Le Pen, UKIP.

If you think May and Merkel are behaving the same towards Trump, then you haven't been paying attention

3. Security: Too many Leavers are viewing NATO, sharing intelligence information etc in the same way as Trump: not even bargaining chips in the art of the deal, but as a big stick to bully other countries. Give us what we want wrt trade, or else you may suffer deaths and invasion. A protection racket.

Points 1) and 3) could be as irreversible as Brexit.

btw, Personally I feel European, not British and would take EU citizenship in a heartbeat if available.
After so much racial abuse when I was young, I have no emotional attachment to the UK.
However, I accept most Brits don't feel that way.

Red I am not justifying Trump's stance at all. However I did think your post gave the rather misleading impression that Iranians were free to come and go from Iran without reference to the Iranian government. I perhaps overreacted because I have Iranian friends living in the US who cannot visit family in Iran safely.

So, a "Soft" EEA / EFTA Brexit

Many, at one time including Farage, Hannan etc., and a number of Remainers would be reasonably happy with this. But not Theresa May, because it includes Freedom of Movement. May has made her stance wholly about immigration. This was clearly her view before the Referendum, witness her behaviour at the Home Office. So it won't happen, even though it's probably the best option.

Peregrina I think the underlying assumption about "soft" Brexit was that FoM restrictions would be negotiable. The EU are adamant this is not the case, although in reality this may well change.

A lot of things have changed since the Leave vote. I wonder what, hypothetically, would have to happen before circumstances changed so much that the vote was no longer a reason to press ahead regardless? Does that make sense? So if there was an enormous flood and part of the country was overwhelmed, or the NHS collapsed, or the US turned actively hostile, or something like that? Please understand this is just a hypothetical musing based on the attitude that this vote is a sufficient reason to change the rest of everyone's lives in such a big way.

It would depend where the enormous flood was. Parts of the UK have been severely flooded, and it's been EU money which helped them out, not Westminster. So unless Parliament and London got flooded, the Government's attitude would probably be, 'So what?'

NHS collapse - So what? again.

Cecilede I would like to think that could be possible. However I do not think it is, because Brexit is an ideology rather than a reasoned argument.

Not a Hannan fan myself, but this is quite an interesting recent article from him on varying degrees of Brexit.

www.conservativehome.com/thecolumnists/2017/01/daniel-hannan-mays-brexit-vision-is-churchills-vision-of-britain-and-europe.html

My gift to you all for the weekend:

House of Commons
NOTICES OF AMENDMENTS given up to and including Friday 27 January 2017
EUROPEAN UNION (NOTIFICATION OF WITHDRAWAL) BILL

All SIXTY pages of it.

The Committee Stage of the bill has only 3 days allocated to debate.

www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/bills/cbill/2016-2017/0132/amend/european_rm_cwh_0127.pdf

I will start pasting these here for you shortly. (much of the document is who has sponsored the amendment in fairness)

Like it or not there is a democratic mandate for Brexit. The only credible way to stop it now is a new democratic mandate against Brexit. At the moment that seems an extreme long shot.

Like it or not there is a democratic mandate for Brexit.
Like it or not there's also a democratic mandate for staying in the single market.

This is my numbering but here goes:

1) Parliamentary oversight of negotiations
Before issuing any notification under Article 50(2) of the Treaty on European Union the Prime Minister shall give an undertaking to—

(a) lay before each House of Parliament periodic reports, at intervals of no more than two months on the progress of the negotiations under Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union;

(b) lay before each House of Parliament as soon as reasonably practicable a copy in English of any document which the European Council or the European Commission has provided to the European Parliament or any committee of the European Parliament relating to the negotiations;

(c) make arrangements for Parliamentary scrutiny of confidential documents.

2) New Treaties with the European Union
So far as any of the provisions of any new treaty with the European Union may depend for ratification solely upon the exercise of prerogative, they shall not be ratified except with the express approval of Parliament.

3) Financial services—reports
As from the day on which this Act comes into force the Secretary of State shall, at least once in every six months, lay before Parliament a report stating what, if any, steps are being taken by Her Majesty’s Government to defend and promote the access to European markets for the UK financial services sector as a consequence of the exercise of the power in section 1.

4) Competition Policy
Following the exercise of the power in section 1, Her Majesty’s Government shall make an annual report to Parliament on its policy regarding state aid, government intervention in industry and fair competition arising from the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from European Union competition regulations.

5) Reporting to Parliament
Before exercising the power under section 1, the Prime Minister must undertake to report to Parliament each quarter on her progress in negotiations on Article 50(2) of the Treaty on European Union and Article 218(3) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.

6) Approval of White Paper on withdrawal from EU
(1) This Act comes into effect after each House of Parliament has approved by resolution the White Paper on withdrawal from the EU.

(2) The White Paper must, in particular, provide information on—

(a) the nature and extent of any tariffs that will or may be imposed on goods and services from the UK entering the EU and goods and services from the EU entering the UK;

(b) the terms of proposed trade agreements with the EU or EU Member States, and the expected timeframe for the negotiation and ratification of said trade agreements;

(c) the proposed status of rights guaranteed by the law of the European Union, including—
(i) labour rights,
(ii) health and safety at work,
(iii) the Working Time Directive,
(iv) consumer rights, and
(v) environmental standards;

(d) the proposed status of—
(i) EU citizens living in the UK and,
(ii) UK citizens living in the EU, after the UK has exited the EU;

(e) estimates as to the impact of the UK leaving the EU on—
(i) the balance of trade,
(ii) GDP, and
(iii) unemployment.”

7) Notification of withdrawal from the EEA
The Prime Minister may not give the notification at section (1) until such time as Parliament has determined whether the UK should also seek to withdraw from the European Economic Area in accordance with Article 127 of the EEA Agreement.

8) “Joint Ministerial Committee (EU Negotiations)
(1) In negotiating and concluding any agreements in accordance with Article 50(2) of the Treaty on European Union, Ministers of the Crown must consult, and take into account the views of, a Joint Ministerial Committee at intervals of no less than two months and before signing any ag‘reements with the European Commission.

(2) In the course of consulting under subsection (1), the Secretary of State must seek to reach a consensus with the devolved administrations on— (a) the terms of withdrawal from the European Union, and (b) the framework for the United Kingdom’s future relationship with the European Union.

(3) Subject to subsection (4) The Joint Ministerial Committee shall consist of— (a) the Prime Minister, (b) Ministers of the Crown, (c) the First Minister of Scotland and a further representative of the Scottish Government, (d) the First Minister of Wales and a further representative of the Welsh Government, and (e) the First Minister of Northern Ireland, the Deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland and a further representative of the Northern Ireland Executive.

(4) The Prime Minister may, for the purposes of this Act, determine that the Joint Ministerial Committee shall consist of representatives of the governing authorities of the United Kingdom Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.”

(5) The Joint Ministerial Committee shall produce a communique after each meeting.

9) Duty to Consult Scottish Government on Article 50 negotiations applying to Scotland
(1) In negotiating an agreement in accordance with Article 50(2) of the Treaty on European Union, a Minister of the Crown must consult Scottish Government Ministers before beginning negotiations in any area that would make provisions applying to Scotland.

(2) A provision applies to Scotland if it—
(a) modifies the legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament;
(b) modifies the functions of any member of the Scottish Government;
(c) modifies the legal status of EU nationals resident in Scotland, and Scottish nationals resident elsewhere in the EU;
(d) would have the effect of removing the UK from the EU single market.

(3) Where a Minister of the Crown consults Scottish Government Ministers on any of the provisions listed under subsection (2), or on any other matter relating to Article 50 negotiations, the discussions should be collaborative and discuss each government’s requirements of the future relationship with the EU.

(4) Where a Minister of the Crown has consulted Scottish Government Ministers on any of the provisions listed under subsection (2), the Minister of the Crown must lay a full report setting out the details of those consultations before both Houses of Parliament, and must provide a copy to the Presiding Officer of the Scottish Parliament

10) Joint Ministerial Committee (EU Negotiations)—duty to report
(1) The Joint Ministerial Committee (EU Negotiations) must publish regular reports on the impact of negotiations in accordance with Article 50(2) of the Treaty on the European Union on the devolved administrations of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.

(2) The reports shall be published at intervals of no less than two months, and a report must be published after every meeting of the Joint Ministerial Committee (EU Negotiations).

(3) The reports shall include—
(a) a full minute from the most recent meeting of the Joint Ministerial Committee (EU Negotiations);
(b) oversight of negotiations with the EU, to ensure, as far as possible, that outcomes agreed by all four governments are secured from these negotiations; and
(c) any other information that the members of the Committee, in concord, judge to be non-prejudicial to the progress of the Article 50 negotiations.

(4) The reports must be laid before both Houses of Parliament, and a copy of the reports must be transmitted to the Presiding Officers of the Scottish Parliament, the Welsh Assembly, and the Northern Irish Assembly.

The article by Hannan is an example of how many Leavers view Brexit - an unemotional reorder of the relationship between UK & EU.

It's only when viewed through the prism of hyperbole that it becomes the 'immoral' foreboding of Armageddon.

John Cotton, Tory Leader of South Oxfordshire District Council, at last night's meeting in Oxford, when asked about the Manifesto commitment to the Single Market, said that this was drawn up under Cameron, who is no longer PM, so it's no longer a commitment! By the same token, May has no mandate whatever, having never produced her own manifesto, and a change of Leader of the Governing party should probably automatically lead to a General Election. An amendment to this effect could be added to the Fixed Term Parliament Act.

The brass neck of his reply almost astounded me, and showed that he had no principles whatever.

11) Agreement of the Joint Ministerial Committee on European Negotiation
The Prime Minister may not exercise the power under subsection 1(1) until at least one month after all members of the Joint Ministerial Committee on European Negotiation have agreed a UK wide approach to, and objectives for, the UK’s negotiations for withdrawal from the EU.

12) Parliamentary approval for agreements with the Union
(1) Where a Minister of the Crown proposes to conclude an agreement with the European Union setting out the arrangements for the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union—
(a) the Secretary of State must lay before Parliament a statement of the proposed terms of the agreement, and (b) no Minister of the Crown may conclude any such agreement unless the proposed terms have been approved by resolution of both Houses.

(2) The requirements of subsection (1) also apply where a Minister of the Crown proposes to conclude an agreement with the European Union for the future relationship of the United Kingdom with the European Union.

(3) In the case of a proposed agreement setting out the arrangements for the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union, the statement under subsection (1)(a) must be laid before the proposed terms are agreed with the Commission with a view to their approval by the European Parliament or the Council.

13) Future relationship with the European Union
(1) Following the exercise of the power in section 1, any new treaty or relationship with the European Union must be subject to the express approval of Parliament.

(2) It shall be the policy of Her Majesty’s Government that, in the event of Parliament declining to approve such a new treaty or relationship, further time to continue negotiations with the European Union shall be sought.”

14) Parliamentary sovereignty
Before exercising the power under section 1, the Prime Minister must undertake that a vote on the proposed agreement setting out—
(a) the arrangements for withdrawal, and
(b) the future relationship with the European Union will take place in the House of Commons before any vote in the European Parliament.

15) Referendum on the proposed exit package
(1) A referendum is to be held on whether the United Kingdom should approve the United Kingdom and Gibraltar exit package proposed by HM Government at conclusion of the negotiations triggered by Article 50(2) for withdrawal from the European Union or remain a member of the European Union.

(2) The Secretary of State must, by regulations, appoint the day on which the referendum is to be held.

(3) The day appointed under subsection (2)— (a) must not be 4 May 2017; (b) must not be between 1 November 2017 and 1 January 2018; (c) must not be 3 May 2018; (d) must not be 2 May 2019; and (e) must be more than three months before 7 May 2020.

(4) The question that is to appear on the ballot papers is— “Do you support the Government’s proposed United Kingdom and Gibraltar exit package for negotiating withdrawal from the European Union or Should the United Kingdom remain a member of the European Union?”

(5) The alternative answers to that question that are to appear on the ballot papers are— “Support the Government’s proposed exit package Remain a member of the European Union”.

(6) In Wales, the alternative answers to that question must also appear in Welsh.

(7) The Secretary of State must by regulations made by statutory instrument subject to annulment by resolution of either House of Parliament specify the wording in Welsh of the alternative answers to that question.

(8) The Secretary of State may make regulations by statutory instrument on the conduct of the referendum.”

16) Negotiating timeframe
Before exercising the power under section 1, the Prime Minister must undertake that if Parliament does not approve the terms for withdrawal and the future relationship within 24 months of notifying the United Kingdom’s intention to withdraw from the EU, she will request that the European Council extends the time period for negotiations

17) Impact assessments
(1) The Prime Minster may not give notice under section 1 until either— (a) HM Treasury has published any impact assessment it has conducted since 23 June 2016 on the United Kingdom’s future trading relationship with the European Union, or, (b) HM Treasury has laid a statement before both Houses of Parliament declaring that no such assessment has been conducted since 23 June 2016.

18) Equality—impact assessment
Before exercising the power under section 1, the Prime Minister must undertake that she will publish an equality impact assessment, 18 months after this Bill receives Royal Assent or prior to a vote on the negotiations in the European Parliament, whichever is sooner.

19) Customs Union—impact assessment
(1) Before exercising the power under section 1, the Prime Minister must undertake that she will publish an impact assessment of the effect of leaving the Customs Union on the United Kingdom.

(2) The impact assessment in subsection (1) shall be laid before Parliament 18 months after this Act receives Royal Assent or prior to a vote on the negotiations in the European Parliament, whichever is sooner.

20) Supply Chains—impact assessment
Before exercising the power under section 1, the Prime Minister must undertake that she will publish an impact assessment of the risks to supply chains presented by the introduction of non-tariff custom barriers, 18 months after this Bill receives Royal Assent or prior to a vote on the negotiations in the European Parliament, whichever is the sooner

21) Environmental protection—impact assessment
Before exercising the power under section 1, the Prime Minister must undertake that she will publish an impact assessment of the effect on—
(a) environmental protection standards,
(b) farm business viability,
(c) animal welfare standards,
(d) food security, and
(e) food safety 18 months after this Bill receives Royal Assent or prior to a vote on the negotiations in the European Parliament, whichever is the sooner

22) Climate change—impact assessment
Before exercising the power under section 1, the Prime Minister must undertake that she will publish an impact assessment of the value of participation in the EU Emissions Trading Scheme and the Single Energy Market in achieving our climate change commitments, 18 months after this Bill receives Royal Assent or prior to a vote on the negotiations in the European Parliament, whichever is the sooner

23) Research and Development collaboration—impact assessment
Before exercising the power under section 1, the Prime Minister must undertake that she will publish an impact assessment of the effect of— (a) leaving Horizon 2020, and (b) setting up alternative arrangements for international collaboration on research and development by universities and other institutions 18 months after this Bill receives Royal Assent or prior to a vote on the negotiations in the European Parliament, whichever is the sooner.

24) Agencies—impact assessment
(1) Before exercising the power under section 1, the Prime Minister must undertake that she will publish impact assessments of— (a) rescinding membership of the agencies listed in subsection (2), and (b) setting up national arrangements in place of the agencies listed in subsection (2).

(2) Subsection (1) applies to the— (a) Agency for the Cooperation of Energy Regulaters (ACER), (b) Office of the Body of European Regulators for Electronic Communications (BEREC Office), (c) Community Plant Variety Office (CPVO), (d) European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex), (e) European Agency for the operational management of large-scale IT systems in the area of freedom, security and justice (eu-LISA), (f) European Asylum Support Office (EASO), (g) European Aviation Safety Agency (EASA), (h) European Banking Authority (EBA), (i) European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC), (j) European Chemicals Agency (ECHA), (k) European Environment Agency (EEA), (l) European Fisheries Control Agency (EFCA), (m) European Insurance and Occupational Pensions Authority (EIOPA), (n) European Maritime Safety Agency (EMSA), (o) European Medicines Agency (EMA), (p) European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA), (q) European Union Agency for Network and Information Security (ENISA), (r) European Police Office (Europol), (s) European Union Agency for Railways (ERA), (t) European Securities and Markets Authority (ESMA), and (u) European Union Intellectual Property Office (EUIPO).

(3) The impact assessments in subsection (1) shall be laid before Parliament 18 months after this Bill receives Royal Assent or prior to a vote on the negotiations in the European Parliament, whichever is the sooner.

25) Impact assessment: withdrawal from single market and Customs Union
Before giving notice under section 1(1), of her intention to notify under Article 50(2) of the Treaty on European Union, the United Kingdom’s intention to withdraw from the EU, the Prime Minster shall lay before both Houses of Parliament a detailed assessment of the anticipated impact of the decision to withdraw from the Single Market and Customs Union of the EU on—

(a) the nature and extent of any tariffs that will or may be imposed on goods and services from the UK entering the EU and goods and services from the EU entering the UK;

(b) the terms of proposed trade agreements with the EU or EU Member states and the expected timeframe for the negotiation and ratification of said trade agreements;

(c) the proposed status of rights guaranteed by the law of the European Union, including— (i) labour rights, (ii) health and safety at work, (iii) the Working Time Directive, (iv) consumer rights, and (v) environmental standards;

(d) the proposed status of— (i) EU citizens living in the UK and, (ii) UK citizens living in the EU, after the UK has exited the EU;

(e) estimates as to the impact of the UK leaving the EU on— (i) the balance of trade, (ii) GDP, and (iii) unemployment

26) Conduct of negotiations
(1) Before giving any notification under Article 50(2) of the Treaty on European Union, the Prime Minister shall give an undertaking to have regard to the public interest during negotiations in—
(a) maintaining a stable and sustainable economy,
(b) preserving peace in Northern Ireland,
(c) having trading arrangements with the European Union for goods and services that are free of tariff and non-tariff barriers and further regulatory burdens,
(d) co-operation with the European Union in education, research and science, environment protection, and preventing and detecting serious and organised crime and terrorist activity,
(e) maintaining all existing social, economic, consumer and workers’ rights

27) Conduct of negotiations—anti-tax haven
(1) In negotiating and concluding an agreement in accordance with Article 50(2) of the Treaty on European Union, Ministers of the Crown must have regard to the public interest in maintaining all existing EU tax avoidance and evasion legislation.

(2) In negotiating and concluding an agreement in accordance with Article 50(2) of the Treaty on European Union, Ministers of Crown must comply with the European Union Code of Conduct on Business Taxation

28) EU and United Kingdom nationals
(1) In negotiating and concluding an agreement in accordance with Article 50(2) of the Treaty on European Union, Ministers of the Crown must resolve to guarantee the rights of residence of anyone who is lawfully resident in the United Kingdom on the day on which section 1 comes into force in accordance with or as consequence of any provision of a Treaty to which section 1 relates, and United Kingdom nationals living in the parts of the European Union that are not the United Kingdom before the European Council finalises their initial negotiating guidelines and directives

29) “Tariff-free trade in goods and services
In the event of the exercise of the power in Section 1, Her Majesty’s Government shall seek a new Treaty between the United Kingdom and the European Union on tariff-free trade in goods and services.

30) International trade
Her Majesty‘s Government shall endeavour to incorporate into UK regulation the international trade policies that apply to the UK as a consequence of its membership of the European Union and European Customs Union on the date of the exercise of the power in section l

The article by Hannan is an example of how many Leavers view Brexit - an unemotional reorder of the relationship between UK & EU.

Yes, only 6% of businesses trade with the EU. Fine. No mention whatever of the contribution made by scientific and medical research which is one of the few areas where the country makes its money. Be unemotional if you like, but don't be blind to facts because to do so, you know you would destroy your argument.

peregrina as they so loudly say we don't vote for pm so it's complete bull that May can't be held to Cameron's manifesto. Either that or she's not a legitimate leader which she accused Brown of. But as it's May, she will try to have it both ways as that suits her.

Either that or Cameron's resignation means there's no mandate for brexit as it was his pledge

31) Transitional arrangements
Her Majesty‘s Government shall seek a transitional trading agreement between the United Kingdom and the European Union as part of the negotiations following notification under section 1

32) Rights for EU nationals
Her Majesty‘s Government shall ensure that those persons who have a right to indefinite leave to remain in the United Kingdom by virtue of their EU citizenship on the day on which this Act is passed shall continue to have an indefinite leave to remain in the United Kingdom

33) Visa—free travel
On the exercise of the power in section 1, Her Majesty‘s Government shall endeavour to maintain the visa policy in operation at the date of the coming into force of this Act in relation to citizens of member states of the European Union and the United Kingdom

34) Trading rights—financial services
On the exercise of the power in section 1, Her Majesty’s Government shall make it an objective to secure the trading rights for UK-based financial services companies that exist by virtue of the UK’s membership of the European Union as of the day on which this Act comes into force

35) Conduct of negotiations
(1) Before giving any notification under Article 50(2) of the treaty on European Union, the Prime Minister must undertake to have regard to the public interest during negotiations in— (a) maintaining and advancing manufacturing industry, (b) securing the interests of all the regions in England, (c) delivering existing climate change commitments, (d) maintaining the common travel area with the Republic of Ireland.

(2) Before exercising the power under section 1, the Prime Minister must undertake that if Parliament does not approve the terms for withdrawal and the future relationship within 24 months of notifying the United Kingdom’s intention to withdraw from the EU, she will request that the European Council extends the time period for negotiations

36) Relationship with Europe
Before the Prime Minister can exercise the power in section 1, the Prime Minister must commit to negotiating a deal that allows free trade and cooperation between Wales and all European countries

37) Framework for transfer of data
In the event of exercise of the power in section 1, Her Majesty‘s Government shall promote a framework for the transfer of data between the UK and the EU to underpin continued trade in services

38) Trade in goods and services
In negotiating and concluding an agreement in accordance with Article 50(2) of the Treaty on European Union, Ministers of the Crown must have regard to the desirability of retaining full participation in the making of all rules affecting trade in goods and services in the European Union

39) Europol
In negotiating and concluding an agreement in accordance with Article 50(2) of the Treaty on European Union, Ministers of the Crown must have regard to the desirability of continuing to participate in the European Police Office (Europol) on the same basis as any other member state of the European Union

40) European Chemicals Agency
In negotiating and concluding an agreement in accordance with Article 50(2) of the Treaty on European Union, Ministers of the Crown must have regard to the desirability of continuing to participate in the European Chemicals Agency (ECHA) on the same basis as any other member state of the European Union