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Feminism: Sex and gender discussions

Twitter, trans rights and the role of the police — an extended look (guided by TELI)

7 replies

ArranUpsideDown · 21/02/2020 14:17

Written with guidance and assistance from TELI. Some of the usual minimisations (few surveys of public debate address boardroom representation, AWA etc.) and misrepresentations asserted as fact (suicide rates etc.).

Some of those criticising the reforms, who self-describe as “gender critical”, argue that the sex assigned to a person at birth is immutable. In practice, this means labelling trans women as men, trans men as women, and non binary people as their sex assigned at birth. Those who take this view often attempt to characterise trans women, in particular, as constituting a threat to women and children. They highlight specific instances of criminal behaviour, or claim there is a cohort of cisgender men (men who are not trans) who would exploit a more liberalised approach to gender in order to harm women. A common example used is the possibility that men will access spaces restricted to women, such as changing rooms or toilets, by falsely claiming to be trans women.

Discusses Miller case and what might be a consequence of a successful appeal on the issue of hate incident perception:

My concern ahead of Mr Miller’s appeal is that he might succeed in undermining a policy that seeks to protect not just trans people, but all groups who experience discriminatory and hateful behaviour. In particular, I am concerned about the elements of his case that call into question a perception-based approach to identifying hate incidents. The Macpherson Report rightly centred the perception of those who experience racism. This was necessary to counteract the failings of the police to recognise racism in their midst. A move away from a perception-based approach would disempower vulnerable communities and open the door again to their views being ignored and their concerns rationalised away.

Some discussion of the perception of taking sides (see Carl Gardner's thread below for more on this):

It is highly likely that more cases will come before the courts concerning transgender rights (see this upcoming challenge to a County Council’s transgender policy). Nor is it the first time that courts have run into trouble handling the issue (consider, for example, the troubling case of Re J (A Minor) [2016] EWHC 2430 (Fam)). It’s time for the judiciary to make full use of the Equal Treatment Bench Book, a resource already available to them which dedicates a chapter to transgender people and their treatment by the courts. So too, judges should take care not to say more than they need to when deciding a case. The decision in Miller is a good example of this. The bare bones of Knowles J’s judgment are sound. Some of the additional observations, less so.

ukhumanrightsblog.com/2020/02/21/twitter-trans-rights-and-the-role-of-the-police-an-extended-look/

Twitter thread about the post:

twitter.com/carlgardner/status/1230838202010931200

OP posts:
T0tallyFuckedUpFamily · 21/02/2020 14:21

So too, judges should take care not to say more than they need to when deciding a case.

That statement reads like a threat to the judges, that they’d better get with the program, or else.

ArranUpsideDown · 21/02/2020 14:38

It does, doesn't it.

And the insouciant trite discussion of Prof Kathleen Stock's work is embarrassing. It's as nothing compared to this tho':

[Justice Knowles] goes so far as to question the rationality of Mrs B’s perception of Mr Miller’s tweets. This is striking, particularly when contrasted with Knowles J’s description of Mr Miller as “intelligent and highly educated”. The questioning of Mrs B’s rationality arguably plays into sexist and transphobic tropes about who is and isn’t rational.

From the snippets that I've seen, it might have been wholly inappropriate for Justice Knowles not to have commented on whether or not there were reasonable grounds to accept or disregard some of Mrs B's complaint. And I'm somewhat taken aback by the layers of the use of the term "sexism" here.

OP posts:
Barracker · 21/02/2020 15:07

Mr Justice Knowles correctly identified that the complainant Harry, and 'Mrs B' were of the same biological sex.
Since sexism is inappropriate discriminatory treatment of one sex in comparison to the treatment of the opposite sex, it's literally impossible for 'Mrs B' to have been treated with sexism.

R0wantrees · 21/02/2020 19:42

the article concludes:

It is highly likely that more cases will come before the courts concerning transgender rights (see this upcoming challenge to a County Council’s transgender policy). Nor is it the first time that courts have run into trouble handling the issue (consider, for example, the troubling case of Re J (A Minor) [2016] EWHC 2430 (Fam)). It’s time for the judiciary to make full use of the Equal Treatment Bench Book, a resource already available to them which dedicates a chapter to transgender people and their treatment by the courts. So too, judges should take care not to say more than they need to when deciding a case. The decision in Miller is a good example of this. The bare bones of Knowles J’s judgment are sound. Some of the additional observations, less so.

Alice Irving is a pupil barrister at 1 Crown Office Row. She tweets at @ AliceLIrving.

She would like to thank Tara Hewitt for providing content, comments and edits. Tara is a Director and Leadership & Inclusion Consultant at Purple Infusion Ltd. She also co-founded the Trans Equality Legal Initiative. She tweets at @ tarahewitt. Also check out: @ purpleinfusion @ UKTELI."

The "troubling case" referred to above was heard in July 2016 www.bailii.org/ew/cases/EWHC/Fam/2016/2430.html

OCTOBER 26, 2016Julian Vigo covered it for Feminist Current:

'When lobby groups like Mermaids dictate policy and discourse around gender identity, kids lose'
(extract)
"The judgment of this case, which includes a critique of the section 37 report prepared by Social Services, which Justice Hayden describes as “very disturbing reading,” though, begins to clarify things.

Justice Hayden writes that J’s mother caused “significant emotional harm” to her child and critiques the local authority social services staff responsible for the youngster’s welfare.

He goes on to detail the acts of a controlling mother towards her child, M’s personal diagnosis of J’s alleged gender dysphoria, and a system which failed this child. Together, these various failures demonstrate a pattern of abuse and a mother who, Hayden writes, “deprived [her son] of his fundamental right to exercise his autonomy in its most basic way.”

What the judgment shows is that reports made by the Local Authority’s Housing Department, J’s school, the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC), and Social Services gave M’s behaviour towards her child (including her approach to J’s “gender presentation”) a pass simply because she was receiving support from Mermaids, a UK-based charity that claims to support parents of children who identify as transgender. Observations like these show major conflicts of interest between Mermaids and the government agencies named in the judgement.

Susie Green, the CEO of Mermaids, began her trajectory into the transgender debate through personal investment. She took matters into her own hands regarding her son’s gender dysphoria, leaving the country for the USA, then Thailand, when the National Health Service (NHS) would not undertake the treatment she thought her child needed. Mermaids is entirely comprised of parents like Green, who have either a child who self-identifies as having gender dysphoria or have started seeking professional help for their child. Despite the fact that Mermaids is not a professional organization, it has managed to push its way into government policies such as the House of Commons Select Committee “Transgender Equality” report (within which Mermaids is referenced twenty times) and has successfully convinced local school systems and councils that its form of “support” is tantamount to professional ethos.

In short, we have governmental policies being decided via a support group that functions as a political lobby — a political lobby which justifies its authority because of government championing. (The NHS, for example, cites Mermaids as “a charity that helps children with gender identity issues and their families.”) More surreal is the fact that some of the Mermaids members regularly give lectures to nursing students and NHS staff. The fact that medical and legal documents are produced by basically taking the word of desperate, if not confused, parents equates to both a shocking oversight and the tail wagging the dog." (continues)

www.feministcurrent.com/2016/10/26/lobby-groups-like-mermaids-dictate-policy-discourse-around-gender-identity-kids-lose/

Its unclear what exactly Alice Irving/Tara Hewitt mean by describing this case under Mr Justice Hayden as evidence of how a court has "run into trouble handling the issue"

AnyOldSpartabix · 21/02/2020 20:46

This police initiative is failing.

Nobody predicted that one of the groups selected for additional protection - a helping hand to those who supposedly have little power, as it were - would seek to weaponise it.

We’ve seen evidence of this weaponisation. Trans-activists have encouraged those following them to report everything they can, with the stated aim of increasing the figures.

Now they can see their trans gander that lays the golden eggs is under threat and they are attempting to preempt that. Note the sudden concern for “all groups who experience discriminatory and hateful behaviour.”

I’ve never seen Hewitt or any other transactivist showing concern for any other group before. Well except for their cynical plan to support the period poverty campaign, which one or two of the faithful did follow through on.

That gaslighted feeling is ringing in my ears again.

Aesopfable · 21/02/2020 21:10

The fact that medical and legal documents are produced by basically taking the word of desperate, if not confused, parents equates to both a shocking oversight and the tail wagging the dog

This is the triumph of anecdote over research that is the idolisation of 'lived experience'. Rather then studying lived experience and using it to inform research it simply takes the place of informed research. It is generally only the lived experience of a few loud individuals (he who shouts loudest) that count. Everybody else's lived experience is ignored.

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