No, not at all, but again you make assumptions.
As far as my arguments have gone I have backed them with various different credible sources which provide pertinent information in order to illuminate and support the points that I am making. As I was taught to do, and I teach students to do.
I'd accept that I was credulous if I used one source to do this but even you can admit that I've used a wide range of sources from different organisations with various different objectives in my writing here.
You have used data too when you've fouind that it backs up what you are saying, just I'm sorry but there is far more supporting a remain argument.
From whatever point you stand, you can't deny it, and you can shout vested interest all you like but it isn't applicable in every case, every time.
Oh and your favourite migrant family? Is dismissed by the fact that new HMRC data says that new immigrant contribute 2.5bn more than they take out.
Now as the tax credits data tells us that there are 266,000 EU immigrants who qualify for tax credits ( 14 % of 1.9m employed) that 2.5 bn needs to be divided equally ( which of course it won't be) but it works out at around £9,398 per head.
Now the problem with this is that a) This is way more than you would get in WTC/CB etc. Also that I did a very basic figure here because its not actually 14% of EU immigrants its 14% of households that have an EU immigrant within them claim tax credits so this figure is probably way out of kilter but it was to give you an idea. The 2.5bn also doesn't include employers NI.
Your assumption on your model family is also that they stay low earners and that their children don't contribute to the economy in the future.
You set a very particular set of parameters so that yes, the agreement has to be that this particular set of immigrants aren't net contributors, but it doesn't work.