For anyone who is interested in seeing the actual questions, here is the link to the data set on the ComRes website:
comresglobal.com/polls/bbc-scotland-gender-recognition-act-poll-17-february/
It's one of the more awkward question sets I've seen around this issue, but the key take away for me is that the Scottish respondents polled are firmly divided on the issue of removing the requirement for a medical diagnosis. ComRes gives a total of 40% supportive or somewhat supportive and 38% opposed or somewhat opposed.
The margin of error given the Scottish population and sample size is 3%. That means the result is a statistical tie. Which means that on the question of bringing in self-id to get a GRC there is no majority support, whether relative or absolute, amongst survey respondents. Which brings this poll in line with every other poll we've seen on the subject.
Other interesting snippets are that more than one in five of the Scottish respondents believe that to be transgender means to be post-op (question 1).
If I had designed the survey, this is the point where I would have had worries. The given definition of transgender on question 2 was that this is "a general term for people whose gender identity is different from the sex registered at birth".
But on question 1, a third of people defined being transgender as a medical condition. Going forwards, did that third of respondents answer the following questions with their own definition in mind or that more general one given in question 2? There's no definition of "gender identity" anywhere and we know that if you leave key terms undefined, poll results become less reliable. There's also no instruction to stick to the definition given in question 2 for subsequent questions (this is something pollsters can do to ensure a better quality of results).
Question 7a (Table 11) gives a result of 61% of respondents agreeing that single-sex spaces should continue to be provided, with 29% undecided and only 10% against.
Support for allowing access to opposite-sex spaces is much smaller than expexted, only a relative majority of respondents support it (38%) with 25% against. Given that only a third said they had followed the debate closely, this is not an encouraging result for the Scottish Government.
It's a really uneven poll - general questions about access on sports, prisons, domestic violence services and public spaces that are single-sex are followed by just one question specifying who exactly should get access relevant to self-id - public spaces (defined as toilets and changing rooms). The least important in my view.
Here (Q12, Table 25) less than a third of respondents think that access should be granted to those who are not post-op and fully 15% think males should not be granted access to female-only public spaces in any case. 35% think access should only be granted to post-op males.
That's a completely different picture to the general question on public single-sex spaces where 38% agreed and 25% disagreed that male transgender people in general should be able to access female-only public spaces.
Anyone who claims that there is majority support for all male transgender people to access female-only public spaces on the basis of self-id is misrepresenting these findings.
And I expect had the same follow-up question been asked on prisons, sports and domestic violence services, we would again see that support is highly dependent on people having fully transitioned and that a sizeable minority do not support access at all. (To an even greater degree than those opposed to access to female-only public spaces.)