Again, not sure if you have really followed the discussion, Roundaboutthetown.
My posts were in response to comments by other posters.
The majority of children start school at four, and the EYFS covers all centres where children of four spend their days.
The decision was made to teach disadvantaged children to decode instead of providing libraries and high quality, community based childcare so parents could work and children could be exposed to good quality preschool provision. Teaching decoding was far more appealing to voters than providing genuine play based educational environments where fine and gross motor skills could be developed, where children could scribble and experiment with different writing materials and script, where vocabulary could be developed.
It is very appealing to suggest that the problem of disadvantaged children starting far behind their peers and falling even further behind over the course of their school lives is caused by slack teachers, backed by their unions, allowing children to waste time playing.
Reasons that are related to increased taxation and funding for early years education and experiences are thus discounted, among them parental disengagement and disempowerment (outreach programmes that seek to involve parents as active educators of their babies and young children cost money), poor quality language environments (no money for libraries or for high quality nurseries).
link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11125-017-9415-8
Is it a surprise to posters here that there is a significant political component to decisions about education?
If yes, then there is a lot of naivete at play.
Why, and how, synthetic phonics has come to dominate the teaching of early literacy in these countries, and the extent to which it is currently funded and supported, are crucial questions. The implementation of policies forged in the debate over teaching strategies shapes how professionals, parents, and students think about and engage with early literacy.
The struggles for power between different discourses and associated lobbying groups—with their conflicting educational and social visions—also have implications for how early-reading programmes have been legislated, funded, socially recognized, and carried out. For example, in England, political and commercial rhetoric associated with increased commercial synthetic-phonics resources are linked to decreased government spending on—and an increasing privatization of—literacy resources over the last decade. Strong neoconservative views on education have driven this rhetoric and their results. Some observers have directly linked the oratory over the past three decades concerning “efficacy”, “performativity”, and “market-driven” economies to the influence of neoliberalism on literacy-related educational policies.
We also, however, need to look at how increasingly dominant perceptions of these two teaching approaches as antagonistic (and the ensuing dominance of synthetic phonics) can be linked to how a neoliberal ethos that emphasizes technique and functional literacy has taken precedence over social and communicative views of literacy. The complex interaction of different agendas concerning reading have given rise to “commonsense” assumptions about the links between, on one hand, improving reading and, on the other hand, literacy to serve the needs of the economy. The politics encompassing the teaching of reading have, therefore, endorsed the rhetoric of efficacy, performativity, and a market-driven need to improve literacy.
From this perspective, the relationships in early-literacy education that have formed and reformed over the past two decades have also challenged previous understandings and ethics in the field—for example, the hitherto-accepted assumption that professional judgment should be prioritized over programmed instruction and commercial interests.