It was the coalition government led by David Cameron which replaced adult DLA with PIP. The social model argues that disability is caused by social and environmental barriers, rather than the impairment or disability itself. DLA was based on this principle and awards focused on the impact of societal barriers on disability. The government of the time believed that this was the reason the cost of the benefit was ballooning - it was seen as too easy to claim for people who were of working age and who could use the extra income provided to live on rather than working.
PIP works on the medical model, not by directly assessing the disability or condition itself, but by assessing the impact of disability on a range of daily living and mobility activities, using the level of impairment as the basis to assess the likely extra cost. It doesn’t consider the societal impact on disability and therefore it’s harder to make a successful claim because the focus is squarely on how the disability affects functional ability. It treats all disability in the same way in order to produce standardised and objective results, rather than a subjective assessment of the claimant as an individual.
PIP was never about properly supporting disability, it was about cutting costs and the assessment isn’t a realistic reflection of the problems disabled people face in everyday life.
For example the cooking test assesses the ability to chop, peel, prepare and cook a meal from scratch. But it assumes that everything the disabled person needs is in front of them when they start. It doesn’t consider the ability to fetch and carry or bend and stretch to use an oven or take things from cupboards. The reality of cooking a meal is very different from the limited assessment PIP provides, and this is where it differs from DLA, which would have considered not only the ability of the claimant to carry out the tasks assessed, but would have considered the impact of the environment in which they were carried out.
PIP also had to conform with the Equality Act 2010 which did not call for people to have a formal diagnosis to be considered disabled. That’s partly why the anticipated cost savings were never realised - the Equality Act opened up the doors for people to make a claim for disability benefits without a formal diagnosis as long as their condition met the definition of disability and they had medical evidence to support eligibility. PIP was also opened up to mental health claims as well as physical disability, and without the need for formal diagnosis, this has helped to increase costs, despite the high bar needed for a claim solely on the grounds of mental health.
The assessment and award processes for PIP are deeply flawed. Currently 70% of all appeals are successful. To me, that indicates a fundamental problem with the quality of the assessments themselves, as well as the DWPs application of the law when translating the assessment results into benefit awards.
Appeal tribunals cost a fortune because they consist of experts in their fields. Successive governments have tried to cheapskate on assessment processes by employing and training staff as cheaply as possible - there are no doctors employed as assessors. They are mainly nurses, physios, paramedics etc, with no requirement for any area of specialism or expertise. There is a shed load of money to be saved in reforming these processes so that claimants receive a fair assessment and decision first time from medical professionals who have actual experience of disability and its effects, instead of relying on a higher level of expertise at tribunal which should have been applied first time round.