Macron's speech in English:
You are, indeed, I know it, legitimately concerned about the ongoing historical events that are disrupting the world order. The war in Ukraine, which has caused nearly a million deaths and injuries, continues with the same intensity. The United States of America, our ally, has changed its position on this war, is supporting Ukraine less, and is leaving doubt hanging over the future.
At the same time, the same United States of America intends to impose tariffs on products coming from Europe. Finally, the world continues to become ever more brutal, and the terrorist threat remains strong. Altogether, our prosperity and security have become more uncertain.
It must be said; we are entering a new era. The war in Ukraine has now lasted for more than three years. From the very first day, we decided to support Ukraine and to sanction Russia.
And we were right to do so because it is not only the Ukrainian people who are courageously fighting for their freedom, but it is also our own security that is at stake. Indeed, if a country can invade its neighbour in Europe with impunity, then no one can be sure of anything anymore, and it is the law of the strongest that applies, making peace impossible to guarantee even on our own continent. History has taught us this.
Beyond Ukraine, the Russian threat is here, affecting European countries, affecting us. Russia has already turned the Ukrainian conflict into a global conflict. It has mobilized North Korean soldiers on our continent, Iranian equipment, all while helping these countries to arm themselves further.
Putin’s Russia violates our borders to assassinate opponents, manipulates elections in Romania and Moldova. It organizes cyberattacks against our hospitals to block their operations. Russia tries to manipulate our opinions with lies spread on social media.
And at its core, it is testing our limits. It does so in the air, at sea, in space, and behind our screens. This aggression seems to know no boundaries, and Russia, at the same time, continues to rearm itself, spending more than 40% of its budget on this purpose.
By 2030, it plans to further expand its army with 300,000 additional soldiers, 3,000 tanks, and 300 more fighter jets. So, who can seriously believe, in this context, that today’s Russia will stop at Ukraine? Russia has become, as I speak to you and for the years to come, a threat to France and to Europe. I deeply regret this, and I am convinced that in the long run, peace on our continent will be achieved with a Russia that has returned to being calm and peaceful.
But the situation I am describing to you is what it is, and we must deal with it. So, in the face of this dangerous world, remaining a spectator would be madness. It is a matter of making decisions now—for Ukraine, for the security of the French people, for the security of Europeans.
For Ukraine, first of all. All initiatives that contribute to peace are steps in the right direction. And I want to acknowledge them this evening.
We must continue to help the Ukrainians resist until they can negotiate with Russia a solid peace for themselves and for all of us. That is why the path to peace cannot involve abandoning Ukraine. Quite the opposite.
Peace cannot be concluded at any price and under Russian diktat. Peace cannot mean Ukraine’s capitulation. It cannot mean its collapse.
Nor can it take the form of a ceasefire that would be too fragile. And why? Because here too, we have the experience of the past. We cannot forget that Russia began invading Ukraine as early as 2014 and that we then negotiated a ceasefire in Minsk.
And that same Russia did not respect this ceasefire. And we were not able to maintain the balance due to a lack of solid guarantees. Today, we can no longer take Russia at its word.
Ukraine has the right to peace and security for itself. And this is in our interest—it is in the interest of the security of the European continent. That is why we are working with our British and German friends, as well as several other European countries.
That is why, in recent weeks, you have seen me bring together several of them in Paris, and why I travelled a few days ago to London to consolidate the commitments necessary for Ukraine. Once peace is signed, to ensure that Ukraine is not invaded by Russia again, we must prepare for it. This will undoubtedly involve long-term support for the Ukrainian army.
It may also involve the deployment of European forces. These would not be going to fight today, they would not be fighting on the front line, but rather, once peace is signed, they would be there to ensure its full respect. As early as next week, we will bring together in Paris the chiefs of staff of the countries that wish to take responsibility in this regard.
Thus, it is a plan for a solid, lasting, and verifiable peace that we have prepared with the Ukrainians and several other European partners, which I defended in the United States two weeks ago and across Europe. And I want to believe that the United States will remain by our side, but we must be prepared in case that is not the case. Whether peace in Ukraine is achieved quickly or not, European states, given the Russian threat I have just described, must be capable of better defending themselves and deterring any new aggression.
Yes, no matter what happens, we must equip ourselves more, strengthen our defensive posture—and this is precisely for peace, to deter. In this regard, we remain committed to NATO and our partnership with the United States of America, but we must do more, strengthen our independence in matters of defence and security. The future of Europe does not have to be decided in Washington or Moscow.
And yes, the threat is returning to the East, and the innocence, in a way, of the last thirty years since the fall of the Berlin Wall is now over. In Brussels tomorrow, at the extraordinary Council bringing together the 27 heads of state and government with the Commission and the President of the Council, we will take decisive steps. Several decisions will be made that France has been advocating for years.
Member states will be able to increase their military spending without it being counted in their deficits. Massive joint financing will be decided to buy and produce, on European soil, ammunition, tanks, weapons, and some of the most advanced equipment. I have asked the government to mobilize so that, on the one hand, this strengthens our armed forces as quickly as possible and, on the other hand, that it accelerates reindustrialization in all our regions.
I will meet with the relevant ministers and industry leaders in the coming days. The European defence that we have been advocating for eight years is therefore becoming a reality. This means European countries better prepared to defend and protect themselves, producing together the equipment they need on their own soil, ready to cooperate more and reduce their dependencies on the rest of the world.
And this is a good thing. Germany, Poland, Denmark, the Baltic states, and many of our partners have announced unprecedented efforts in military spending. So, in this time of action that is finally opening up, France has a special status.
We have the most capable military in Europe, and thanks to the choices made by our predecessors after the Second World War, we have nuclear deterrence capabilities. This protects us much more than many of our neighbours. Moreover, we did not wait for the invasion of Ukraine to recognize the dangers of the world, and through the two military programming laws that I have decided upon and that successive parliaments have voted for, we will have doubled our defence budget in nearly ten years.
But given the evolution of threats and the acceleration I have just described; we will have to make new budgetary choices and additional investments that have now become indispensable. I have asked the government to work on this as quickly as possible.
We will face it, together.
Long live the Republic,
Long live France.