Extracts from the introduction to the report:
Britain finds itself wrestling with the weight of its past—not through the familiar lenses of slavery or colonialism, but through a particular piece of legislation that has quietly reshaped our society. The Equality Act 2010, introduced by the Labour government and subsequently upheld by the Conservatives, demands scrutiny. Why has this legislation gone largely unquestioned? Why have so few on the Right mounted a serious challenge to it? Remarkably, no one has even dared question its so-called progressive credentials.
One line in the paper stands out with particular force: “the Equality Act 2010 enacted a fundamental and unprecedented shift from negative legal prohibitions against discrimination to a positive legal duty to enforce equality”.
This distinction matters enormously. The Equality Act is qualitatively different from earlier anti-discrimination legislation. It was demonstrably the product of a sustained campaign by internationalist lawyers seeking to revolutionise traditional British understandings of equality, freedom, and discrimination. The Act’s core features—protected characteristics, the Public Sector Equality Duty, and the requirement for positive action—have together created a system of justified discrimination.
We built a monster. The original intent of anti-discrimination law was to give citizens legal recourse against discriminatory acts. Instead, we created something far more ambitious: a framework that grants sweeping powers to the state and its agencies to actively enforce equality. The problem is not merely that this power exists—it is that access to it remains unevenly distributed. Notably absent from the Act’s protected characteristics are class and geography, the two factors that most reliably determine one’s prospects in modern Britain.
The paper before you offers three paths forward: repeal and replacement with a minimal anti-discrimination framework, full repeal, or partial repeal. Change is clearly necessary. Our ongoing debates about police training and anti-discrimination guidelines may have overlooked a more fundamental problem: we have embedded a flawed ideology into our legislative architecture itself.
What we discovered was that public bodies, unable to implement the Act’s equality duties themselves, outsourced the task to so-called experts. These consultants were expected to interpret not only the abstract concept of “equality” but also its application to specific local contexts. This was PhD-level work assigned to the nearest American-influenced activist, who simply told institutions they were racially sinful. In Nottingham, Southampton, Belfast, and Rotherham, we have witnessed the harmful—and in some cases deadly—consequences of this approach.
Lord Sewell CBE
https://www.prosperity.com/media-publications/some-more-equal-than-others/
(I doubt the report touches on it, but some of us have said similar about how TRAs got the stranglehold on "women's rights".)