Saw a tweet saying the no-platforming of Selina Todd at a feminist conference was ‘patriarchy in action’, and it got me thinking. The conference was run by women, and it was the female organisers who no-platformed Todd after several other women threatened to withdraw if she appeared. I don’t think it’s right to blame this on ‘patriarchy’, IMO something else is going on.
I’ve also seen some GC feminists dismiss TRA-supporting women as ‘pandering to men for cool girl points’, and I don’t think that’s accurate either. ‘Cool girls’ most often deny sexism is a problem at all, which these women usually don’t do. Indeed, feminists are MORE likely to support gender identity ideology than non-feminist women, and not only to support it, but to advocate ardently for it.
IMO, there are three main reasons for this:
- There seems to be an assumption on the part of many women that men who are coded as feminine share a basic political condition with women. Men who adopt feminine appearance norms and/or men have sex with men are often derided as ‘woman-like’ by other men. I think this is the real logic behind the slogan ‘trans women are women’. I don’t think the women parroting this truly believe that men are women if they say so; they can still tell the difference between male and female human beings. But I do think they believe that women and men who ‘identify as women’ share a common condition and therefore a common cause. Many women also assume that a man declaring he wants to be one of us is performing the ultimate act of solidarity, and it would be churlish to refuse to offer solidarity in return.
However, this analysis is in error. If you look closely at what is done to women and girls under male domination, you can see that it is quite distinct in both degree and kind from what is done to feminine-coded men. Further, there’s little evidence that men who are excluded from traditional ‘manhood’ have any special sympathy with women or understanding of our lives. These men seem just as capable as any of assuming that women exist to serve their needs. You can see this in the sexist attitudes of many gay men, and in extremis in the current trans movement, which displays a sociopathic disregard for how its demands will impact on women and girls, all the while expecting boundless empathy from us.
- A central tenet of second-wave feminism, liberal AND radical, has been that sexual biology is largely irrelevant to who we are as human beings. I don’t often agree with Camille Paglia, but she said something a while back that struck me as very insightful: she said that when women’s studies were first being established at universities, she was surprised that none of the programs included a module on female biology. Paglia said that if you were purporting to be studying women, surely you could not ignore biology – but that is exactly what the feminist academics did. They assumed it was either of little importance, or a danger zone to be avoided because of the way men had used it as an excuse for excluding us from the public sphere.
I think that most women in the West have internalised this message: to be treated as equal in the world means that we should be regarded, and regard ourselves, as basically interchangeable with men, bar some superficial gendered coding. It’s therefore not surprising that many women assume that having male biology should be no barrier to being regarded as a ‘woman’.
- Finally, at the heart of the appeal of gender ideology to women is utopianism: transgender ideology offers a dream in which humans can transcend our bodies, a world where being male or female truly no longer matters. It’s easy to see why this vision holds irresistible appeal for many women, when it is our sexed bodies that have been used as the reason for our subordination for millennia, and the targets of so much violence and scorn. Nor are the (mostly young) women who take up this dream the first to do so. In Right Wing Women, Andrea Dworkin offers a scathing account of the 60s anti-war/free love movement, which she joined enthusiastically as a young woman (pp.88-91):
It was simple. A bunch of nasty bastards who hated making love were making war. A bunch of boys who liked flowers were making love and refusing to make war. These boys were wonderful and beautiful. They wanted peace. They talked love, love, love, not romantic love but love of mankind (translated by women: humankind). They grew their hair long and painted their faces and wore colorful clothes and risked being treated like girls. In resisting going to war, they were cowardly and sissies and weak, like girls. No wonder the girls of the sixties thought that these boys were their special friends, their special allies, lovers each and every one…
The dream for the girls at base was a dream of a sexual and social empathy that negated the strictures of gender, a dream of sexual equality based on what men and women had in common, what the adults tried to kill in you as they made you grow up. It was a desire for a sexual community more like childhood—before girls were crushed under and segregated. It was a dream of sexual transcendence: transcending the absolutely dichotomized male-female world of the adults who made war not love. It was—for the girls—a dream of being less female in a world less male; an eroticization of sibling equality, not the traditional male dominance.
I know that women are a very broad group, and there are no doubt other dynamics at play, but I think the ones I’ve articulated here are important to understand, because otherwise we will keep having the wrong arguments with other women. Our disagreement with TRA-supporting women isn’t a genuine disagreement over whether sex can be changed, or whether men can be female if they say so. They know as well as we do that it can’t, and they can’t. Like the girls of the 60s, they have a dream of sexual transcendence, of being in sibling solidarity with males, and naturally they hate the women who would spoil this dream.