This is a fascinating document, describing the parliamentary process and discussions leading up to the GRA
<a class="break-all" href="https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/RP04-15/RP04-15.pdf&ved=2ahUKEwjd-b6ivavmAhVMKBoKHSwgCT8QFjAGegQICBAB&usg=AOvVaw3whXRdgIFO8w_7pVWVlWzW&cshid=1575994616312" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">www.google.com/url?sa=t&source=web&rct=j&url=researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/RP04-15/RP04-15.pdf&ved=2ahUKEwjd-b6ivavmAhVMKBoKHSwgCT8QFjAGegQICBAB&usg=AOvVaw3whXRdgIFO8w_7pVWVlWzW&cshid=1575994616312
There are so many red flags in that document that it is hard to know where to begin.
They appear to accept that introducing a legal status for people who are chromosomally one sex but want to be treated as another is a dangerous step:
" it considered that a person’s sex or gender has important legal and
social consequences and affects the rights of others and so the state has a legitimate interest in ensuring that people who take on a new legal status can establish to the satisfaction of an official that they meet certain criteria."
But they do not outline or investigate what the rights of 'others' are.
The Bill, on the other hand, celebrates that they are going further than they were required by international law in establishing a broad category of 'transexual person' who would then have all the legal and social rights of the opposite sex.
Stephen Whittle's voice rings through the entire document:
'Stephen Whittle, Vice-President of the pressure group, Press for Change, has stated that, although the Gender Recognition Bill is not perfect, it is the best of any such legislation in the world: the principles embodied in Goodwin will have been extended way beyond what the European Court of Human Rights insisted on. As such those principles are a statement of parliament's intention of what it wishes to achieve rather than a re-statement of the bottom line. That will give any court much more power of interpretation than
otherwise.Goodwin and I simply required that people be issued with birth certificate showing their new name and gender."
Whittle is positively jumping for joy because the legal spadework to establish the primacy of gender identification over biological sex is clearly being undertaken here. All the legal rights of biological sex are now transferred to 'acquired gender' including the 1975 Sex Discrimination Act.
It is full of inconsistencies and contradictions that should have been of great concern to commentators of the time and which are only expilcable if there was an underlying ideology guiding the process rather than logic and clear legal reasoning.
It is made clear that legislation is difficult as:
'Rosie Winterton said:
Although we have considered whether any practical adjustments can be allowed in the meantime, we believe that primary legislation will be needed before the judgments in Goodwin v the United Kingdom and "I" v The United Kingdom can be implemented. This is partly because there is no legal definition of a transsexual person and apparatus for formal recognition needs to be established.
So the inability to define the term 'transexual' was identified as a problem and then the bill made it impossible to arrive at a definition.
This it does by constantly contradicting itself.
They said that to protect the stability of legal and social structures the committment to live as the other sex must be firm and permanent whilst acknowledging that:
'Many people revert to their biological sex after living for some time in the opposite sex, and some alternate between the two sexes throughout their lives.'
They specifically tie 'transsexualism' to dysphoria and explicitly exclude crossdressers and people making a 'lifestyle choice' but then fail to define gender dysphoria. They say that dysphoria is not a mental illness whilst not saying what it is (other than to describe some of the 'symptoms') whilst listing all of the emotional and psychological issues that often 'accompany' dysphoria. But the remedy to 'dysphoria' is surgical intervention.
They then begin the removal of the need for surgical intervention and open up the legal system to gender identity by opening up legal protection to pre-op transexuals and to people who 'cannot' undergo surgery.
I could go on but then, with the benefit of hindsight, we know that the failure of this document to define terms or the respective rights and responsibilities of society versus those who wish to convince society that their biological sex is at odds with their psychological sex has been catastrophic. The largely undefined category of 'gender' has now spilt out into other pieces of legislation, statutory guidance, into schools and onto our television screens.
You are now whatever sex that you say that you are, whenever you say it and to challenge this is a hate crime (sorry, incident).
This bill clearly did not have as its aim to extend rights to post-operative transexual people but to radically alter the definition and legal and social understanding of biological sex.
You are great at unearthing documents TimeLady !