Ok I’ll bite…
Your argument to impoverish rivals to maximise relative power overlooks how modern global economics operates as a positive-sum system, where mutual development creates expanding opportunities for all, including Britain. Keeping the world "down" isn’t just ethically bankrupt,it backfires economically and strategically.
Britain (and rich nations generally) benefit from subsidising and trading with rising powers, rather than wishing for their downfall.
At the heart of your argument is the idea that if Ireland or Poland gets richer, they become direct competitors siphoning away Britain's edge much like how the world "copied" the Industrial Revolution, eroding Britain's dominance. But economics isn't a fixed pie; it's a bakery that grows larger through specialisation and exchange. Ricardo's economic theory of comparative advantage explains why- even if one country is better at producing everything (an "absolute advantage"), nations still benefit by focusing on what they're relatively best at and trading for the rest. This allows everyone to consume more than they could alone.
For example Britain excels in high value services like finance and tech, while Poland may specialise in manufacturing or agriculture. As Poland develops via EU funds, it buys more British services (such as banking or software) and provides cheaper inputs for UK firms boosting overall efficiency. Global development amplifies this, richer trading partners mean bigger markets for British exports, not just rivals. Post-WWII data shows that as Europe and Asia industrialised, global trade volumes exploded, lifting UK GDP growth rates and trade accounted for about 60% of UK GDP in the EU era, far outpacing isolationist situations m. Keeping countries poor doesn't preserve advantages; it shrinks the global economy, reducing demand for British goods and trapping everyone in low-growth stagnation.
Your 19th-century example actually supports this: Britain's empire thrived not from hoarding tech secrets but from open trade networks that funneled raw materials and markets back home. The Industrial Revolution's "head start" was sustained by exporting machinery and imports, not by nuking competitors.
I’ll grant you that the UK was a net contributor to the EU budget (second only to Germany), paying £13 billion net annually pre-Brexit to fund cohesion policies for poorer members like Poland and Ireland. But this wasn't charity it was an investment yielding massive returns in trade, investment, and stability. EU membership boosted UK-EU trade by 20-30% through frictionless access to the single market, adding in excess of 100 billion to the annual GDP via lower barriers and supply chains. UK firms like Unilever or AstraZeneca relied on EU-wide operations; subsidies to Eastern Europe built infrastructure such as roads and ports, that facilitated these flows, creating jobs and profits back home.
Post-Brexit evidence underscores the loss. In 2025 UK-EU goods trade has fallen 15-20% due to customs checks and tariffs which is costing £20-40 billion yearly in lost output. Services trade (a UK strength) dropped 10%, as red tape hit financial exports. Far from "pushing around" poor neighbors, the EU amplified Britain's soft power, its contributions bought influence in policy (e.g on tech regs) and secured a stable bloc against external threats like Russia. If the goal is realpolitik power, isolation weakens leverage and interdependence builds alliances.
Irelands transformation via EU funds wasn't a zero-sum theft. Irish growth supercharged UK exports and pre-Brexit, the UK supplied 15-20% of Ireland's imports (£20 billion+ yearly), from machinery to pharma ingredients, while Irish multinationals (like Google or Apple hubs) invested £50 billion in UK assets. This created 100,000+ UK jobs in supply chains. Brexit frictions have since slashed bilateral trade by 10-15% with Irish GDP growth dipping 0.2-0.5% from UK slowdowns proving the ties run both ways. A poor Ireland wouldn't be a weak rival to "exploit" it'd be a drag, with cross-border instability ( Northern Ireland tensions) costing Britain billions in security and lost tourism.
Poland's story is similar. EU cohesion funds built highways and factories, turning it into a manufacturing hub that sources £5-10 billion yearly in UK tech and services. British firms like BP and HSBC expanded there, repatriating profits, while Polish workers filled UK labour gaps (pre-Brexit migration added £4 billion to UK tax revenues). These investments yielded 1.5-2x returns EU-wide, including for donors like the UK through export booms.
From a purely self-interested perspective, rich nations back development because it secures markets, stability, and security far outweighing short-term payouts.
Your disturbing coldhearted view assumes power is static and extractive but evidence shows it's dynamic and collaborative. Britain thrived in the EU not despite subsidising others, but because it built a richer, safer web of partners gains that Brexit is now eroding.
True realpolitik today shpuld mean lifting the world to climb higher together, not dragging it down to feel taller in the ruins.